This morning the AEC finalised counting for the Farrer by-election with the release of detailed preference data.
It answers what I thought was a key question in the result – whether there was a difference between Liberal and National preference flows to One Nation. It was not possible to answer this question using the previously released full distribution of preferences.
Preference flow data tallies destination preferences from the primary votes for each excluded candidates to one of the final two candidates. In Farrer this data tallies preferences from ten excluded candidates to One Nation’s David Farley and Independent Michelle Milthorpe, the final pairing of candidates. Preference flow data ignores the intermediary stages published as part of the formal distribution of preferences.
The data released today reveals a difference in preference flows by supporters of the two Coalition parties . Liberal voter preference flows to One Nation were 59.0% compared to 69.1% for Nationals voters.
The flow data also reveals that One Nation’s David Farley did not need Liberal preferences to win. In the full distribution of preferences, Farley did not pass 50% until the Liberal candidate was the last excluded. Using the flow data where National preferences do not first flow through the Liberal candidate, Farley reached 50.2% on the flow of National preferences without the need for any Liberal preferences.
The question is whether the different flows tell us anything about how Liberal and National preferences would flow at a general election. In Farrer there was no Labor candidate in the final pairing. I suspect both National and Liberal preference flows to One Nation would have been higher in a final contest involving Labor rather than an Independent.
But it does suggest that Liberal preferences to One Nation will be weaker than those of National candidates. That was the case two decades ago in Queensland before the formation of the LNP. It in part reflects the different appeal of One Nation in rural electorates contested by Nationals versus the flows in urban electorates contested by Liberal candidates. One Nation polled a high enough first preference vote in Farrer for this difference not to matter. But a lower primary vote and weaker Liberal preferences would hamper One Nation hopes of winning urban seats.
Against this view, that the Liberal candidate drew top spot on the ballot paper with Milthorpe in second position suggests that the donkey vote may have played a party in the weaker Liberal preference flows to One Nation.
And it has to be remembered that preference flows from voters on the right of politics have always been weaker than from voters on the left. One Nation and the two Coalition parties rarely achieve the sorts of flows produced by the Greens in Farrer. Despite polling only 2.3% of the vote, Greens preferences flowed 91.8% to Independent Michelle Milthorpe. At general elections, Green voter preferences to Labor are consistently above 85%, a figure that the Liberal and National parties struggle to achieve from their supporters in three cornered contests.
I haven’t had time to pull apart the data by polling place, but the swing to One Nation was smaller in Albury, by far the largest regional centre in the seat. It was also in Albury where Liberal and Milthorpe support was strongest. Farley was better known in the west of the electorate where National support was also strongest. It may be the different preference flows reflect this familiarity with local candidates and the weaker One Nation support in Albury.
There’s more data on the preferences inside the post, along with an effort to graph the preferences data.
Final Composition of the Two-Candidate Preferred
The stacked bar chart below shows the composition by source of the final two-candidate preferred count for One Nation’s David Farley and Independent Michelle Milthorpe.
I think the chart illustrates that it was the first preference gap between Farley and Milthorpe that largely determined the result. National and Liberal preferences boosted Farley’s margin, but he was far enough ahead that even a different decision on Coalition preference recommendations would have been unlikely to change the result.
Charting Preference Distributions and Flows with Step Line Charts
The chart below plots the progressive preference count based on exclusions during the distribution of preferences. By this measure, One Nation did not reach a majority until the Liberal candidate was excluded. The chart’s horizontal axis shows the total votes distributed in total up to each exclusion. The votes for the four highest polling candidates nudge upwards with each exclusion as the total for Other dips down before the National and Liberal candidates are finally excluded. I’ve opted to use a step chart rather than a traditional line chart as I think it shows the preference distribution more clearly.
Based on the flow data you get a different picture. Again I’ve used four separate candidates, Milthorpe, One Nation, Liberal and National with the other eight candidates shown as ‘Others’.
This chart shows that based on FLOWS, One Nation’s David Farley reached 50.2% before the flows of the Liberal candidate are added to the count. For those who have been saying that it was Liberal preferences that elected Farley, this is technically not correct. National preference flows elected Farley, preferences from the Liberal candidate were not required.
In the end preferences merely confirmed a victory for David Farley which was set up by him leading the primary count with 39.6%, well ahead of his Independent challenger Michelle Milthorpe who began the count on 28.1%.
Charting Preference Distributions and Flows with Stacked Column Charts
Another way of representing the preference data is by using stacked column charts. The first version below is based on the formal distribution of preferences.
I think stacked column charts like this work better when a second or lower placed candidate wins. See my version for the recent Stafford by-election and also for the fourth placed victory in Finniss at the South Australian election.
Here’s the same chart style using preference flows. I don’t think this flow based version works as well as the distribution of preferences version above.
I have seen these results illustrated with ‘alluvial’ charts and ‘sankey’ charts, but they also run into problems with trying to show both preference totals and preference flows in the one chart. Different graph types highlight either counts or flows, but showing both is not easy.
Preference Flows
The previous charts highlight the vote for candidates and parties at each stage of the count, but gives less attention to the flows involved.
The graph below is commonly used to show the percentage of preference flows completed by supporters of parties and candidates. All bars in the chart add to 100%. The chart highlights what first preference voters for each excluded candidates think of the final two candidates. But it doesn’t explain which preferences were important. Only 8.2% of Greens preferences flowed to One Nation compared to 69.1% from the Nationals, but the Nationals having four times the primary vote made its preferences more important in determining the winner.
The version below shows the data differently and breaks down the final two-candidate preferred percentage (2CP%) by source. The first line is the 2CP%, then the primary vote percentages, total percentage preferences received and a break down of the percentage received by each candidate. This chart is better at showing the composition of the final result by putting less emphasis on the percentage flow by party. It’s a work in progress I might use in future.
Finally, below is another version showing the lead of Farley with One Nation’s gain or loss on the exclusion of each candidate. I suspect this chart would have been more interesting in a contest where the leading candidate had a smaller initial lead.
I noticed there is a small difference in the flow of preferences in the Albury booths at final count compared to most of the rest of the electorate. Does that perhaps suggest the way Liberal voters preference is different in the rural areas compared to the more urbanised?
COMMENT: It could. But the Liberal and Independent candidates were both Albury based and got their highest vote in Albury. It may well be that away from Albury in areas where Milthorpe was less well known, Liberal voters were less likely to preference her. So it may be a candidate issue rather than a difference between rural and urban.
The Liberal votes would have included a donkey vote component that went to Milthorpe rather than Farley. Without knowing how many donkey votes there were, it’s not possible to say whether that would suffice to explain the difference between the Liberals’ preference flow and the Nationals’.
Antony thank you for your step graph – I have been wondering how to show preference flows and their impact – you have nailed it with that graph.
I note that Nationals preferences were directed through the Liberals – so their leakage to One Nation was against the Liberals (not Milthorpe). Moreover the Liberal preferences included that chunk of Nationals who did follow the HTV placing Libs ahead of One Nation.
Your step graph doesn’t show the increase in Liberal vote when Nationals were excluded – I suggest that would be worth doing?
Another observation – the Liberal and National primary vote was distilled to their most hard core supporters. This makes the high preference leakage to Milthorpe even more remarkable. I agree some donkey vote is in there. But that too is revealing because it shows even the most rusted on LNP voter is not following the HTV. That devalues the worth of preference deals especially in compulsory preferential.
In optional preferential (NSW March 2027) many of these voters will exhaust.
I really appreciate your analysis because Angus Taylor said Liberals preferenced One Nation “because the Liberal base demanded it”. But which Liberals are they? This analysis suggests to me the Liberal PARTY may have demanded it – but not so much the Liberal voters in Farrer. The Albury booth would have fewer Nationals in the cumulative Liberal vote before they were excluded. So the results there are particularly instructive.
COMMENT: I had two versions of the step graph, one based on the distribution of preferences, the second based on the most recently published flow data. There is a difference between what party members and voters, and the most unsuccessful state branches are those where the difference has grown greater.
It would be interesting to understand what the variability of preference flows is from one seat to another in a Federal election. If we look at previous elections, is it valid to extrapolate preference flows across the entire election based on a single seat? It seems a very small sample size? If not, how many seats’ data do we actually need to do that and from what range of electorates – and more generally, how much variability is there in preference flows across different Federal election seats?
Is that something you have looked at in the past Antony?
COMMENT: You can’t really extrapolate from Farrer because it is only one seat and the contest was One Nation versus an Independent. I would expect stronger flows to One Nation against a Labor opponent. Usually preference flows at a general election are distributed around a state or national average. Variability is created by the size of an excluded party’s vote with the higher the vote the stronger the flows. Flows also vary based on how-to-vote recommendations, intensity of campaigning, how many how-to-votes are distributed and even ballot paper order.
I had two recent posts on preferences, one on what we can glean from published data on Liberal-One Nation distributions at the 2026 SA election linked from the post , and I also published a complete set of preference flow for the last Federal election linked from this post .